That's the nerd.

And.

Thank you for joining us are you know.

My name Steve us of the number yes or
care for school of history and

sociology here George.

And we're delighted you join us for our
kind of that we've been looking forward to

our year.

And then that we think captures all
range of interests of our school and

are engaged with processes
of globalization but

also how those processes register
on the ground in herbut Harriers

and how we can learn about those processes

by taking seriously our two
corridors of history and

sociology and see how they work
together to eliminate Aluminite

change on the ground for
those of us you who are here this morning.

I was struck by a sentence by Chris let
them Tech when talking about his work.

On.

The displacement
the stadiums have caused it.

And when he reflected he was apologetic
because he said I'm not a historian.

But then he was among historians and
then he said a line that I thought when he

was listening to oral interviews of people
who had been displaced by the stadium

he said there is a history of place here.

And I think that's an outline for

what we are about today there is
a history of the place here and

we want to take both the history
of the places seriously.

I want to thank a few
people before we start.

First by the words from our sponsors
I want to thank her for the call.

Rice Professor form society Mary McDonald
who organized the session this morning

can use her findings and her discretionary
funds to support her thank you.

We also have support.

We also have support from
the work out one time for

human rights and from the deal speakers.

With us for today's events.

Finally as always in everything we
do in the school district says Yeah

we have the support.

Of someone who for me has a chair is dream
of the Dean who is not back from one.

By one but please let us hear she she
asked a wonderful question this morning

is the kind of Dean she is being
jocular join John's Royster I

should be back.

TO has been looking forward to this event
and then family most immediately about

this event was organized shepherded
right in every detail or

started by my colleague Dan Amsterdam
who's an assistant professor Not apartment

from historian with a strong
sociological leaning and his research.

And danced to some right to plug but
I plug his book also arrived on my

desk this week from the Rory Metropolis
businessmen's campaign for

a civic welfare state and I think it's a
good read and with that I'll turn it over

to.

Right thank you thank you Steve I so
I'm going to dive

right into introducing her panelists today
since I know we're all very eager to hear

from I just a brief format I know
about format before I do so sorry to.

Panels will speak for about twelve or
so minutes to get our conversation

started that will leave plenty of time for
you all the pose questions and also for

analysts to pose questions to one
another which I hope they will do.

We truly couldn't be more thrilled with
the panel we have assembled I'm still

pinching myself that we got this group
together it's a truly incredible group.

And I know that everyone in Georgia Tech

you know we really him thank you
enough for being here today.

So we're going to work through
the order that's on the program.

Which means that speaking first will be
Elizabeth Higginbotham who is currently

a distinguished visiting professor at
Georgia Tech in the school of history and

sociology and Professor America
from the University of Delaware.

Among other publications Professor
Higginbotham is the co-author of race and

ethnicity in society the changing
landscape standard text in the field and

author of Too Much To Ask black women
in the era of integration and prior to

joining the faculty at the University of
Delaware Professor Higginbotham worked

with the body for and development Weber
to establish the Center for Research on

Women at the University of Memphis which
quickly became a transformational hub for

innovative work in race class and
gender scholarship.

Now and Professor Higginbotham we'll hear
from Thomas Shapiro who is professor

of law and social policy at
Brandeis University as well as director of

the Institute on assets and social policy
at Brandeis his co-written the black

wealth white wealth a new perspective
on racial inequality one of multiple

awards when it was published and
moreover really became an instant classic.

More recently Professor.

Shapiro author of the highly acclaimed The
hidden cost of being African-American and

he has another book forthcoming
titled toxic inequalities

it's especially exciting for the graduate
program the school of history and

sociology that Dr Shapiro is here
today for many years now Professor.

Bill Winters has signed
Blackwell quite well

as you know standard standard tax
in his class on research methods

as required of all students
are graduate program so it's.

Very exciting to have you here today.

Professor Shapiro.

Next we'll hear from backing a light
who is currently research associate at

U.C.L.A. Center first study of women.

She is the author of My Blue have a life
and politics in the working class suburbs

of Los Angeles a book that
also won multiple wars and.

Speaking as an urban historian you know
just was absolutely pivotal in pushing

our field to take Suburban a metropolitan
history seriously not just the history of

cities themselves among other publications
she is the coeditor of the suburb

reader and she is currently completing a
new book titled on the ground in suburbia

a chronicle of social civic transformation
Los Angeles since one thousand forty five

in part through a fellowship from the E.C.
Alas for the upcoming academic year

Professor Nicolaides is also an editor
at the University of Chicago presses

historical studies of
urban America book series.

And then to end.

The opening comments will be
Andrew Needham associate professor

in the Department of History of
New York University he is the author among

other works of again
a multiple award winning.

And thoroughly game changing
book powerlines Phoenix and

the making of the modern
Southwest Professor need a miss.

Currently working on two projects
engineering sustainability nature and

technology and urban America which is
a history of urban infrastructure in

the long twentieth century and the second
project is the origins of the climate

crisis metropolitan ism and energy use
of post-war America which will explore

the ways in which ideas public policies
that spurred metropolitan growth also

spurred climate change so
please join me in welcoming all

of our panelists as a professor thinking
about the mixer way of the problem

thank you.

All and I like to keep doing
that taller people than me.

Dan thank you so much for all of
the introductions and this is an exciting.

Time to be here and and
hear this exchange.

Before symposiums like this you
know there's always all this

stuff in your head to clear my
head I went to the High Museum

again yesterday to see
the big morning and.

I recommended perhaps the body and if you
can't see it see the movie the wasteland.

That was my first real exposure to Ms
work and the exhibition reminded me

that sometimes you have to get very close
to the subject to see the material.

And figure out that it's not
a line drawing but wire or

red or toy soldiers and
other times you have to really step back

to see you know you could just
see the artist's purpose and

the picture he wants
you to walk away with.

This to calm him is about
both getting close.

Understanding the issues and scenes them.

Tiriel that here as well as stepping
back and getting distance and

that's something that's
really very important and

the globalization runs through the papers
sometimes in the foreground but

they are sometimes it's in
the background but it's always present.

Tashi Piro and I target racial inequality
but this time from different perspectives

although my respect very
much fired by what he know.

He's looking inequality in recent days and
where we've only permitted

a small black middle class much
of it suffered in the recession.

Which most of the country doesn't
recognize the level of people recovered.

I think we've got to begin with the
question and it's a question that I had

from students you know it's like why do we
have all this racial inequality when we're

celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of
this and the fiftieth anniversary of that.

And it's interesting too because my
students the last semester that I taught

it University Delaware were not pushing
the cultural argument they were very

interested in what structural things
are we do we need to be crafting.

Journalists it's writes about how we pass
all these laws but they're not in force.

But my part to take me back further as I
wondered why would you pass legislation.

That you're not really going to enforce.

And see how someone else are actually
written and there's no enforcement but

you know so but so you get the window
dressing you get the P.R. and

I think inspired by Thomas Shapiro and
Malcolm Oliver I look back at this stage

because it always begins with the state.

And wanted to really.

Think of down.

The state actions but
the early state actions the legacy

as long legacy like the Constitution.

And who was not considered
a citizen in that document and

that's something that's very important and

then in the seventeen
ninety Naturalization Act.

That would describe the requirements

of immigrants to become citizens
it's not just time but it's race.

So we really have a way in which this
country is based on the notion of

citizenship as being one.

You could work here.

But you would not be a full participant.

And furthermore will make
your history invisible.

And really emerging scholarship and
Andre's and

people of color that I was doing in
the late seventy's in the seventy's and

eighty's my black and
Latino colleagues were familiar with how

difficult it was for black and
Latino families what they people face but

if we start reading about Asian
immigrants it's like wow.

They don't even want their
families here you know so

this is a whole other level this
in eligible for citizenship.

And what that really has to say
about where we are where we are.

The other factor that's really very
important is the segregation and

the ability of the majority group to
represent the other to other people so

that you don't have those one on one
interaction that we know are really very

important in terms of breaking
down what those stereotypes are.

And that and that's something
that's really very very work.

And that's why that.

You know you do these
different kinds of things and

I'm just not really a eighteenth
century person you know and

really more nineteenth century but
looking at how the the turmoil.

Of those early years of us as a nation and

all that was information but I read about
the war of eight hundred twelve and

was surprised but in the because
in the eight hundred ten census

about a fifth of the population
was African-American American.

And.

You know mostly slaves in the South but
a significant free black population and

the Republicans who were pushing the war
well the party of Jefferson Madison.

Did no more of an integrated Army in
fact they did not want to recruit

African Americans as soldiers in the Army.

There is a part of people who
wanted him in the Navy but

only as sailors Meanwhile the British
would take anybody who was scared to

give you money your freedom and
land somewhere in.

That they own somewhere in the world.

As our Taylor writes about
this we have insufficient

recruits since the white perception
identify the discipline of the military

having to service particular time and
having to serve under different people.

As they equated that with slavery and
they didn't really want part of that so

most of the wars really are by state
militias we don't really have.

Any So to be the issue is very much
a power of imposing this second class

citizenship on people of color
the only protest we really get from

this circumstance comes from people
calling themselves African-Americans make

the civil war down abolishing
slavery which happens and we have

these amendments but then eight hundred
seventy seven people get thrown out.

On the bus and it's back to.

Rule of the Southern Pole and and that's
something that's really very important and

then we see this again in
our big move in terms of

social rights a new deal where
you know we basically leave the.

Regulation of different things to
Southern states which mean the Tino's and

African-Americans are not
going to be part of that.

As I said globalization is a theme
here in the back foreground because

are the changes that we have in
terms of the civil rights movement.

In the immigration act to promote Asian
immigration is that there Becky right now.

Are really responses to global pressure.

As we enter into.

Bodies like the U.N.
where every nation has a vote and

you're there with former colonies and
you're also there having to deal with

nations that were presented not being able
to come to the United States that we have

you know put out the message you're
not good enough to immigrate here so

that pressure is not an internal
one it's an external It really

comes from the outside you want to be this
world leader you've got to clean up your

act you've got to end the apartheid you've
got to do different kinds of things and

I think this is important because
the buying in isn't nation wide and

in in one of the Eyes on the prize the
bridge to freedom where about some of them

on their own bloody Sunday the celebrant
in Montgomery march Curtis kayaking

talks in the interviews so she's
reflecting on it it's not sixty five and

it's later and
she's reflecting on this rally in mind.

Comrie and how

in one thousand nine hundred fifty
five all these people are there.

Why clergy you know lots and
lots of different citizens and

she said in fifty four nobody else
was there except African-Americans

because people had all are into.

That they should be full citizens
that they should you know.

Be able to have civil rights
political rights social rights and

that's something that happens
slowly over time much for

the sex tunnel pressure on the part of
other other governments who are looking to

us because we want to lead you know we
want to to wear that sort of honor and

I think that's something to really kind
of think about you know in terms of

that sort of globalization because
while the Civil Rights Act does

push a lot of different kinds
of things and opens games.

People and it it opens them for
some people and in the papers and I

you know I mean I could watch my own sort
of development as a college student and.

Then in graduate school and see you know
the hyper segregation that was happening

in terms of much of the African-American
population I could see the way in which

people were deprived of
rights I could see you know

the inequalities were there and as I read
other you know I'm born in forty eight so

I grow up with there's an infrastructure
you know that promotes my own individual

building not only I mean it is in junior
high school there the teacher says

you've got to read the New York Times
news of the we can review

my house when I read the Times you
know but it's part of thinking about

that mobility that becomes really
very important when I went to college

I'm fifty seven dollars a semester
system using otherwise I would.

No I hear so that infrastructure is
really very important in terms of

my own kind of development.

But at the same time I could
see neoliberalism when the ring

away opportunities for other people and
about the actual construction

of the school to prison pipeline and
I mean

reading codes is worth reading victory was
his work it's like I'm sitting there going

there are no police in my school you know
whether the police get in the school and

and have particular kinds of rights so
that we've really.

Made some opportunities for
some people of color.

And we have narrowed the opportunities for
many other because I think in some in many

respects there's never been
to have a real appreciation.

For full citizenship.

So that we get after you know and I've
seen it in terms of people sort of live

in eligible for citizenship that.

Weighs heavily on those.

Chinese immigrants longtime California and
Japanese immigrants and.

You know and
when I teach things and I'm tied.

Hotel acquired bittersweet by Jamie Ford
and my students are going once

they didn't know they determined
they did not know that if I stayed

they teach us about the how guys but
they didn't teach us about internment and

I think that that novel is very
powerful in the end Bill and.

Realities but also the ability of the
Asian community so this globalization and

this neo liberalism is built on the racism

that has been part of
the global sphere but

also the racism that is still very
deeply embedded in our country we can.

Raise generations that
are not you know when I but

I talk to a lot of young
people who are not racist.

But they have to recognize
the way in which the racism is so

imbedded in the situations and
the other thing is we're so

Secor get it we need to be talking
about our stories we need to

be talking about the way class race gender
structures very different environments and

people don't move out of those
environments enough so and

often one of the things that happens a lot
of black white interaction sort of blacks

in the state I think is teachers
discriminating against me and

I look at this most are now
he's a great guy you

you know you got there from
here to listen to people.

People know what they're experiencing
they might not have a word for

it but they know what it feels like.

And so I think it's very important
to have the conversations

that are really grounded again what
people's experiences like thank

you.

All that.

Has everybody doing today.

All right good.

First of all a very quite grateful and
I'm.

To be here this afternoon I have
the great fortune being able to.

Present my work.

And I do with a lot of passion because
I stand I may stand before you today.

But I stand on a lot of shoulders a lot of
shoulders let me up both in the academy

but even more so these days my
my partners and compatriots and

Africans and activists literally
all across the country.

So what I talk about I
have no nerves at all.

Because it's important to so

many people besides besides myself I
want to pick up on on my good friend and

colleague Elizabeth where she both
started and where she ended in a way.

I'm going to end up talking about a five
thousand or ten thousand foot view.

About toxic inequality I'm going
to put that together for you or

try to put that together for
you in a minute or so.

But that ten and or five thousand
foot view comes from stories.

Comes from stories of families that our
team but first interviewed in one thousand

nine hundred eighty nine hundred ninety
nine which was one of the main databases

for the hidden cost being African-American
and we had the great opportunity to

reinterview most of those families again
twelve years later when their five year

old children which was their entry point
ninety nine would have been if they stayed

on track that freshman in
college seniors in high school.

And we're able to watch those
families half white half black

half urban half suburban.

In three cities across
the United States have middle class and

half working class or
below the poverty line.

And I'm able I think to put together

some of the great sociological
regressions and charts.

With real data points that allow us to
which I want to tell stories today there's

just not enough time for that at
the moment maybe the breakout session.

So in conjunction with with
a lot of other people.

I think it's really critical to think
about the globalizing cosmopolitan

era that we're in as represented in the
United States as something very different

qualitatively different this is
not the run of the mill inequality

that we always have had and probably
always will have something very different

about where we are especially in the
United States I'm most familiar about and

I want to try to sketch out
why I think it's different.

And it's not just a question
of it's a little worse.

It's a question of some major
structures and policies and

histories have been transformed so
let me lay out for five elements of that.

Toxic inequality we are seeing
in the United States today

the highest levels of wealth inequality
since we have been able to measure it.

Which is the late one nine hundred twenty
S. or early one nine hundred thirty S.

that graph if you will went down right
after World War two continued to moderate.

After World War two in
the United States until.

The mid one nine hundred seventy S.
or so and

then starts to take off again the Gini
coefficient starts to go way up.

That measure very very frank measure
of of wealth inequality I talk about

wealth among other things for
this conversation because of all of

the socio economic metrics and
indices that we look at well is the one

that allows us to open a crack
open a window into our past.

All the other things we
look at when we measure

statuses between groups
whether it's Jenin.

Or race class age whatever it is we
look at it become part of the story

we look at home ownership a great
part of the story we look at work and

jobs a great part of the story.

But it's wealth family wealth that is
the one that has the clear capacity

to be created or not allowed to be created
in different areas of our history for

different groups and
Elizabeth alluded to some of that and

we can have a whole great
long conversation about that.

And well has that capacity to be
passed along through inheritance

through in vivo transfers.

And I don't know
the people in the room but

I daresay there are students
at Georgia Tech.

Most of whom probably
have student debt and

student loans but not all the same level.

Because families are able to help us out.

But not all families
have that capacity and

that's part of what we call in
Tivo transfer transfer of wealth.

Before the death of the parent or
grandparent.

We're also seeing in the United States and
let me get to this chart very quickly and

I'm going to come back to this in
detail in the breakout session it's

the one that I can only say one thing or
show one chart or one picture this is it.

This is the smoking gun this is
the smoking gun about the rapid widening

increase of the racial wealth
gap in the United States.

One measure one but I think really
important baseline fundamental measure

of the relationship financially between
whites and blacks in the United States and

it with the Latina data I can talk
about that later I didn't but

the Asian American Pacific Islander
data I'll

tell you why that's a very it's
a real challenge to do that.

Essentially the dollars
are calibrated to two thousand and

nine dollars the racial well.

Median half of a half below.

And.

I mean everybody.

You.

Know that last is half full.

There is a nice increase there but
look at what happens to the gap.

And I would suggest as a sociologist.

That a prime way of looking at
disparities gaps divides whatever

narrative you want to
put on it this point.

It's a relationship.

And well here is the relationship
of the capacity of

families to protect themselves
in case of emergency.

And their ability to launch
their own mobility college for

themselves college for their children
business development homeownership

that are wealthier for Unity's this theory
or school districts and resources and

everything else that that means
even divine justice in the courts.

Even to help in the river
system to benefit yourself and

or those of your group.

So that's that's very critical and
despite as a lizard alluded to

all of the great successes
we have made with law.

And I would suggest I think we see that
measured in friendships I think we see

that measured in positive gains in
attitudes among young people about race.

I think we see it a lot of ways but
when you look at material indicators

that is what's beyond me
personally to relate to with you.

What history does what policy does
what structures and institutions do.

The data tell a very different story
all right demographics third part.

I'm sure people have heard
the mantra now twas twenty thirteen

I believe was the first year in
the United States were there more

babies of color born than white babies.

Millennial Zz are close to
being a majority nonwhite.

The demographers tell us they keep
changing the date on the it's now about

twenty forty four.

Where the United States where white people
will no longer be a numerical majority.

A great transformation we're in
the process of a great transformation in

the United States attend to
people moving out of the south

it's going to change who we are.

But it's only going to change who
we are positively I would suggest.

If we have a real fresh honest dialogue
about people's origins their stories and

what that means and
if our institutions respond then.

I would suggest our institutions
have failed to respond thus far.

With this controversy all.

Languages that are taught in schools and
wish mandated in most places still.

There's a reason for that.

Is part of that if you will cultural
war that's a part of the immigration

battle that's going and then last element.

We also are in an era
all that's bad enough.

If we don't respond.

But the last part of it.

This is them if you will the institutions
policy has already responded.

And they have given us
an era we can date and

I don't know began in the one nine hundred
seventy S. somewhere I was ever thirty one

hundred seventy one that it's
somewhere in that time period.

Where wages stagnated
in the United States.

And that's a point in time among others
that families start to compensate.

For that and how do you compensate for
stagnant stagnating wages you send more

people in the labor force you work
longer hours you buy smaller homes

you Crampton say to try and keep
running hard to stay in the same place.

Wages have stagnated.

Mobility social mobility economic
mobility from working class to middle

class to however you want to phrase that
whatever your class paradigm might sound

like the data is very clear
from the Pew studies and

from the sociologist and
from the story of.

The ability the capacity of Americans
to do better than their parents and

grandparents to move up mobility
goes both ways it goes up and

down the ability upward
mobility has stalled.

It's not become calcified it's
still possible but great numbers of

millions of Americans no longer have
that prospect in front of them and

I would suggest that this election
that's part of the resonance that's

going on it's about something
in America a future that people

feel is in our past.

Right so I want to get to as I think
we are in charge to try to get

what I think are some new understanding
of merging from some of this.

Some new understanding is that I
think those incredibly great and

grave challenges for
not only the academy about the study but

for me more importantly for the impact
that we need to have on policy and

structures in the United States and
my clock says I've got four seconds or so.

So let me run through this
a little see had told you.

Let me run through this a little bit
that I'm going to reorder this a bit.

One of the things that toxic inequality
means is that if you conceive of mobility

as a ladder where we climb from lower you
want to keep going up the ladder wherever

you start prospects and aspirations or
to move up that ladder toxic

mobility means that it's gotten
harder to move between runs and

that ladder number one that maybe more
importantly the rungs on the ladder and

got further apart.

The runs on the ladder that distance
between socioeconomic group classes

in the United States
has got further apart.

Meaning we have more economic separation.

And more protection of that separation
more fights over zoning that

really don't have to do with architecture.

They have to do with demographics they
have to do with who is going to live

in that community.

That have to do with all kinds
of other urban regional and

national power policy issues around
economic separation private ones

gated communities.

Country Clubs certainly
their membership bans

all kinds of ways that the side
of a private airport is.

Donald Trump doesn't fly the same
airlines that any of us fly

he does not go through security like we do
and I mean to take on him there literally

is a whole small class of
folks who live lives very very

different then than the rest of us.

I would suggest that this can
creasing separation toxic

inequality is driven by our history.

History that we've not transformed or
awaken to it's driven by policy and

it's driven more recently if you will.

By a system economic system where
it's situations it's rules and

regulations administratively and legally.

More and more are rigged by and
for the wealthy.

There's a great report just out of
the Roosevelt as to Joe Stiglitz is outfit

that talk about the rigging they don't
use the word rigging in the rules but

they talk about the rules in the ring and
the regulations.

To less coins.

One high one ten thousand foot and
the other very I hope sea level.

I'm going to talk more about what
I call racialized structures and

that in the breakout section.

I think in the United States I'm
suggesting I'm confident

conceptually Theoretically
this is what's happening but.

I want to throw it out for
your consideration.

That paradigm of drought equality that
we've been working on in the United States

is that has been a simple two box paradigm

where the problem that we isolated in
the past has been the problem of it's

it's about barriers it's
about lack of opportunity.

So we create laws we try
to change customs and

institutions to lower
the barriers opportunity but

we stopped that opportunity.

Our notions around equality and

equity are I would suggest the liberal
paradigm about opportunity.

We need to draw at least a third if
not for the box the third box is

assume some kind of access and
opportunity.

The third box is about achievement and
merit.

People don't even have the opportunities
or equal people don't end up the same

levels of merit and achievement we all in
fact are different have different talents

that's part of it structures
are important but

the racialized structure part is
the fourth part that is the part where.

My data are data the data that we've been
working with is tell us very clearly

that when whites and

African-Americans just look into
groups have the same achievement.

The same merit same college
education same homeownership.

Same job same income.

That the financial gain from those equally
similar achievements are far different so

that a dollar earned for a white family
translates into a lot more wealth than

that same dollar for an African American
family a bachelor's degree white and

black translate very Can they very
different financial gain consequences.

Lastly and back on the ground I hope.

You know I was sitting with I
was sitting with my editor and

all have those meetings
in New York City cafes.

And we were sitting having having a late
afternoon coffee a couple of months ago

and he asked me the question
that I really hate.

His question was Tom I'm just
giving him a three hundred page

manuscript to take in the good
part of my life to work on

I'm exploiting the hell
out of graduate students.

I've got foundation grants all over
the place and the senator's as home

what's the one thing you learned.

To read the book No no no I
thought about it for an instant.

And I said.

You know the thing that struck me that I
didn't know quite in the depth I knew in

my head that I didn't know in
my heart was how easy it is for

the hard work of families to
be destroyed the rail and

have their dreams the rail by
what most of us sound like.

Fairly minor setbacks.

And that's the point if you want to
retitle my book Dreams to rail but

I'd like to leave the stage now thank you

thanks.

Again.

OK thank you so much.

And you guys hear me OK.

I just wanted thank you all take
especially Dan and Doug clamming for

having me be part of this
really fantastic conversation.

So I come to this topic Crum
a suburban perspective and

I'm kind of going to be bringing
the conversation turned to more

spatial realm I think in
my presentation here.

But I come from a vantage point of how
these processes of globalization and

economic restructuring which are so

intertwined since one nine hundred
seventy played out in suburban places and

how they work to tramp to have been
working to transform suburbs in

some pretty profound way is.

The major arcs of economic change
since nine hundred seventy

the decline of manufacturing
the rise of service jobs height.

Growth deregulation and
globalization have all been integral

to reasons Suburban History and of course
when I think about the suburbs and

write about them I'm very mindful
of their broader Metro context and

I think by extension the global
context since metropolitan areas

have become such key players
in the global economy so

suburbs hardly exist in a vacuum they're
deeply intertwined with their Metro whole

places and I think increasingly
to globalization itself so

I this was a fun assignment for
you to come here and

sort of think about the intersections
between suburbia and

globalization and I've sort of teased out
a few ideas about this that I want to

share with you that I'm going to be
peppering my discussion with a few

examples of California where I've
been doing a lot of my own research.

And I think what I'm going
to be doing here is talking

more about the broader patterns and
sort of less about the implications but

I hope that we can talk about some of
those implications in the discussion

that's going to come out
after a little spills here.

So at the first point I want to emphasize
is that the suburbs are diverse

they always have been and they continue
to be but I think before we go there

are it's really important to acknowledge
that there are a lot of powerful ideas and

images associated with the suburbs
starting with the pop culture imagery

of the suburbs as a bland monotonous
boring places filled with conformist

political reactionaries and
on a more serious allowable

I think scholars in recent decades
in recent decades and really.

Effectively into the politics and
political economy of suburbia within

metropolitan America a lot of these
studies focused on the postwar era.

Forty five through the seventy's when
racially segregated white middle class

suburbs proliferated massively and
this country and work to protect and

defend their superior resources
through grassroots politics.

And of course bolstered by a litany of
policies from the local to the federal

levels and this created it deeply
entrenched system of privilege for

whites where are all of the advantages
of suburban living with spatial eyes and

wealth through homeownership superiors
schools safer neighborhoods and so

on creating the metropolis So Tom the
seminal work of course it really has been

shows how these advantages were passed
down from generation to generation and

really kind of is right those
advantages in space itself and

I think there's a profound truth
to this narrative but I would also

add that at the same time suburbs were
evolving as exclusive places by race and

class apparelled narrative of
diverse suburbia also evolving and

we're not talking about here we're suburbs
for African-Americans Latinos as naked

as Nick American immigrants workers and
poor people from an historical

perspective these diverse suburbs
have been most widespread in two

periods from the eighteen hundreds to
nine hundred forty and then that and

then again after nine hundred seventy and
I think in some ways that decades right

after nine right after World War two
when that why the sort of massive.

Rush roaming of suburbs across
the country when that was happening in

some ways that period was something
of an aberration within this

much larger trajectory of
suburban diversity but

I would also emphasize that these
are always been parallel his.

Juries they're diverse and
the exclusionary privileged ones

have always continued to
co-exist it's not one or

the other but it's really both and
I think both strands are really

important to understanding not only
Suburban History both where we are now and

where where you know sort of what
the future might or might hold as well so

I think we can time recent suburban post
nine hundred seventy diversity quite

easily to globalization if we look at
these years we've entered the various wars

suburban diversification has
accelerated to unprecedented levels and

I think suburbs have emerged as
complex and very gated places and

terms of their social their economic and
their housing profiles and

I want to just say a little bit about each
of those and sort of how globalization

has kind of tied into all of those areas
so for example in terms of housing

since one thousand nine hundred seventy
suburbs have evolved from containing

sort of being containers of single
family homes to containing a broader

range of housing including condos
attached homes apartments and what this

has done is open the door to a wider class
range of residents who could not afford to

move into those areas earlier and
since nine hundred seventy we've also seen

the emergence of a new mega class
of suburban real estate developers

which we call corporate builders who
operated on much larger scales of

building than all who came
before including the Levitz and

everybody else and this had to do with
new forms of real estate financing

that appeared began appearing in
the one nine hundred seventy S.

So any eighty's like investment
banks pension funds and

large Wall Street corporations
began to finally be and capital.

Into suburban real estate development and
with these new will here huge stores

of capital builders compliance
developments massive scales and

build further and further out into the X.
Serves in these

drive till you qualify subdivisions
that are just way the heck out and

far far away we have some in L.A.
And you know it's just ridiculous and

commuting times that people have
to sort of contend with and.

So you tie this new financing model
to financial deregulation and

it all would pave the way toward
the merger of real estate development and

global financial markets and

also the linkage of mortgage financing
to global markets and if and

when this did is since the seventy's
introduced a new level of quality to a T.

to the housing market basically
with bubbles that crashes happening

every decade since the one
nine hundred seventy S.

And of course that triggered the financial
crisis of two thousand and eight now

from another angle if we think about these
builders these corporate builders some of

them were literally operating on
a global scale as well K.B. Home is

a great example this is Cosman and broad
by the early one nine hundred seventy S.

common and broad it was the largest
multinational home producer in the U.S.

It was the largest builder a single
family homes in California and

in Paris France and they were also
building in Canada and West Germany and

there were other entities like doubt there
were beginning to sort of expand our

global besides housings suburbs
also diversified economically.

After nine hundred seventy S.

suburban areas came to overtake
cities as key economic Cubs

nine hundred seventy three was the first
year that suburban jobs are numbered.

Jobs and of course this this development
is really on a huge and right so

you have corporate headquarters going
into some areas well poor areas

where you're bypassed that are sort of
the recipients of other types of of

activity within is sort of economic
landscape we can also see evidence

of this stratified hourglass economy
coming out of restructuring and

globalization and
it's showing up in space so

on the one hand we see places like
high tech suburban areas places like

Boston is really one twenty eight corridor
or or California's Silicon Valley and

those global ties become really
interesting and pronounced and

vivid in places like Silicon Valley
where you had transpacific commuters

who were shuttling regularly between
suburban areas like Palo Alto and

has since YOU Science Park in Taiwan so

these transpacific suburbanites were
living embodiment of globalization and

their lives are playing out in suburban
places on both sides of the Pacific and

just as a side note I think this points
to to the global appeal of the American

suburban form especially didn't China
kind of looked at this a little

bit where you see American
style suburban developments

in places like mainland China like
Orange County this is a development

north going to Beijing and I'm going to
show you that next image is probably one

of my favorite all time images which is
the shopping center in mainland China

which is topped with four American
style suburban houses it's just as

strange but weirdly from L.A.
or sight to see.

On the other end of this hourglass
becomes this economic hourglass

economy you have sectors like
the rising logistics industry.

So in Los Angeles.

This logistics has become huge It
basically rose into the void left

by Indian rust by dear
industrialization since the 1980's and

it's become the new economic engine of
the region driven especially by trade

from China which rose after
nine hundred seventy nine.

Logistics and trade is now the largest
employer in Los Angeles So

what are these these are jobs involved
in goods movement it's moving

the goods into and out of that L.A.
Portman L.A.X. and but

also clear out to the Inland Empire which
on a map here is the way to the east

San Bernardino and Riverside County is
which has become a sort of center of

the logistics industry in the region you
have Amazon warehouses cropping up like

in the Inland Empire boosters
push the idea that logistics

jobs would be the latest ticket to the
middle class for blue collar workers but

it hasn't really turned out that way a lot
of these jobs are low wage poor condition

type jobs and
you couple that with economic

I'm sorry with corporate overbuilding in
the Inland Empire and local predatory

lending practices a whole other issue and
the Inland Empire ended up being

the regional epicenter of the foreclosure
crisis where one in six homes was it for

closure at the height of the crisis so
these are two

examples of a lot of Metro jobs sectors
that are tied to the global economy and

in turn I think the inequalities that
are inherent in global trade are getting

reproduced in suburban stays so
you have suburbs

the gamut from rich to poor.

And to everything between.

And I'll just say it is a sign old
talk about this in my breakout.

Session and you know I think well
too has become more multi-ethnic and

it's beginning to kind of disrupt that
historic association that suburbs

have had with whiteness that's kind of.

Maybe a little bit of a controversial
statement but I think it's sort of playing

itself out I think in terms of
specially of Asian suburbanization last

lastly in terms of people and demographics
I think this is where we really see

the impact of globalization on suburbia
since one thousand nine hundred seventy

there's been an enormous amount of
diversification in the suburbs so

you have a gradual solid inflow of
people who were once starkly excluded

from the suburbs who are now moving
into them and you can see this kind

of from a slightly different angle in this
table here are which shows in the largest

one hundred metro areas that suburbs has
majorities of every major nonwhite group

a trend that has really been increasing
since the ninety's and they're all over

fifty percent since two thousand and
ten immigrants as well as as early as

the fifty's of course a lot of immigrants
were settling this December's but

that really took off after after one
nine hundred seventy by two thousand and

thirteen the suburbs housed over fifty
percent of immigrants in the United States

so most of these folks are moving
directly into suburban communities or

completely bypassing the older
kind of urban ethnic enclaves

they're becoming suburbanites right off
the bat I've been fascinated by how all

of this has transformed those those
once homogenize suburbs that were so

like they were so reviled by post-war
critics like the let it down and

Lakewood that these places
are now in some cases

kind of reflecting the gamut of
the ways suburbia is changing.

So this shows demographic data from
Levittown Lake ordered California park for

as these are all the iconic suburbs.

I'm most hopeful about Lakewood
where there has been sort of stable

demographic multi racial
change happening there for

about the last four decades.

Other groups have been moving into
the suburbs as well it same goals and

the elderly but the last group I want to
point out was is the rise of poor people

in the suburbs started especially after
nine hundred seventy really excel

are rates after two thousand so they don't
need to thousands in metropolitan areas

for the first time more peer poor people
live in the suburbs and cities for

the first time in history one in three
poor Americans live in the suburbs

I want I just I think there's a lot to
say about the implications of soda but

I want to close with one final it's been
really interesting to me that the last

few years in the last few years especially
in the wake of the recession and

housing crisis there's been a lot of
talk about the end of the suburbs.

Editor at Fortune wrote a book by
that title and how will this sort of

discourse about how Americans are finally
turning their back on the suburbs and

comparing urban alternatives OK so
I'm no suburban apologize apologist and

I fully recognize the problems
of the suburbs but

I also find it curious that this
discourse has search just at the moment

that the suburbs have profoundly
transformed and as they've begun moving

toward more diverse complicated and
unpredictable realities and

not coincidentally they become less Y.
less rich and

less conservative it's almost like
the pundits can't sort of hand.

Dele this new reality so they're
struggling to figure out what to say what

to make of bed and I wonder if what
we're really seeing is not the end

of the suburbs it may be the beginning
of a new kind of suburban reality and

I'm hopeful that it's the second and
the suburbs might actually

have a future where they move
from being part of the problem

to part of the solution
America its metropolitan areas

thanks.

All right I also like to start.

Setting.

Share.

Live free scholars for my or for

as long as I work better
poll history medical studies

today I'm going to take a different turn
on the global I'm to talk about the globe.

And on Earth Day thought
a little bit about the.

Kind of better all America climate change
and the structures that are better and

I'm going to talk about how we
might use energy to kind of

draw new maps of metropolitan America
that lead to different stories of my

public apology that not are not meant to
supplant the stories that we have but

to broaden kind of how we explain.

The facts of the Metropolitan
growth of the past half century.

I want to start here.

There.

OK I want to start here.

At Kingston Steam Plant in
Harriman Herman Tennessee

owed by fifty miles west of Knoxville It
was built in one thousand fifty one

to serve as the main power source for
the old Ridge National Laboratories

at the time it was the largest coal
fired power plant in the world

it's still the fourth largest in the
United States by the early few thousands

most of its power when not the Oakridge
but depend upon consumers in both not

spilling national We try to
bracket it on either side.

Every day it consumes and

continues to consume upward of
one hundred forty carloads of.

Coal mine from the Powder River Basin in
Wyoming and here you see that kind of map

of where Powder River Coal goes
clearly not only Tennessee

see the four by Tennessee the number
the number of power plants.

Includes the six that you see that
are ringing metropolitan Atlanta.

And as you can see you know in
this map the Powder River Basin is

you know probably the main the prime
electrical energy source of much of

the southeast Midwest this planet.

And we might think of this
map here as a different.

Type of map of the different scale of
metropolitan space a map of energy supply

with the Powder River Basin existing
is the largest source of the coal that

continues to supply thirty nine percent
of electricity in the United States this

is also I think a really interesting Lee
different way to map center in periphery

than we normally think in metropolitan
America I mean tracking back to energy.

Supply provide you a very
different center and

a very different sense of the power
dynamics involved in center periphery

relations but
let's return to Harriman just for one am.

On December twenty second two thousand and
eight a containment dam

near the Kingston sea plant we can buy a
week of heavy rain gave way from the pond

a wave of five point four million cubic
yards of fly ash Larry a byproduct of

call contamination they
contain mercury cadmium and

other heavy heavy metals moved out of
the eighty four acre containment pond and

continued to flow to the surrounding lands
covering as you see your twelve houses

damaging forty two others pushing three
houses completely off their foundations

it washed out a road ruptured a major gas
line and tore up one of the rail tracks

that supplied the power plant itself
before it flowed into the Clinton every

river where it left this twenty
five foot high embankments.

Fly ash a mile downstream
from the spill itself.

In all the fires spilling Kingston
displaced more than one hundred residents

of Herman and left a section of the river
ten miles from the dam bridge virtually

barren of aquatic life eighteen
months after the spill.

One of the reason I bring this up is that
while the spill obviously deeply disrupted

the local lane Harriman and caused
you know catastrophic thought trickle

effects residents of neither not spill nor
Nashville experienced any interruption in

their electrical supply even as
this uses the spill is ongoing so

I will go with this anecdote is it
illustrates in the rather dramatic and

you know polemical action going to
qualities that we can appreciate if we

broaden our maps of metropolitan space so
let me start by talking about the normal

scale upon which we map metropolitan
American I'm going to do this via Phoenix

which is the city the metropolitan
area that I know you know best so

here's how we would kind of
the normal map of the Phoenix ask and

say as the Census Bureau calls it
the standard Metropolitan Statistical.

Area.

The census map has an essay for

the first time in the one nine
hundred thirty census in represent

the Census Bureau's recognition that
urban political boundaries were just not

the right way to kind of make
sense of the increasing scale of.

Urban Development in urban populations.

In an era when suburban development
increasingly rings cities.

The census is reporting
a population employment housing and

a vast number of other statistics within
the many as M.S.A. actually try to figure

out how many S.M. Ses there are currently
are but I was unable to but

I think it's north of one hundred
better than I'm talking about a census.

These If invaluable for scholars the track
levels to six have enabled detail

examinations of race and
economics in space and over time.

One of my favorite examples from Phoenix
is these maps created by Bill Rankin at

the site Radical Party how to got net dot
net We just built a variety of amazing

maps so this is this is a race and
ethnicity in Phoenix with.

The purplish being white
the origin being Latino and

there's some African American and they're
getting really tight on that now and

you know in a similar map.

Of well.

These census data and the estimates
they have allowed stories of the suburbs

being one uses that surround inner
cities they also allow scholars to

follow that following Betty's path to tell
stories about suburban diversity the way

that Suburbans or suburbs are simply
not reducible I think category to

one another destroying simple dichotomies
of city and suburbs poverty and

well they've also allowed us to
map the return to the city and.

Return Of The City Stories of
urban revitalization driven by

Bill objectification and immigration it
is doubtful that metropolitan history

itself with its mission of narrating
urban suburban history simultaneously

would be possible without
the census categories S M S A and

yet and you knew there was yet coming.

Yes Mrs map has had the effect of
narrowing the vision of scholars

the better part of America even Rankin's
maps here which do a remarkable job

of showing the variety of land use
within metropolitan Phoenix as well as

demographic categories.

Severs metropolitan Phoenix from
the territory that surrounds it creates

the danger of analysis of metropolitan
areas that exist as Islands to be studied

in comparison with each other in
connection and in connection with each

other but in geographic isolation from the
broader landscape there are better then

there's a guess what's lost I'd like to
turn to another map this want to schematic

map of the power lines that crisscross
the southwest and I'm seventy and

what it shows here is
this pointer is working.

Right in my face is basically Phoenix
here to Los Angeles Albuquerque

kind of a variety of the metropolitan
areas of the Southwest connected with

power plants sitting at
the Reagan Center for foreigners now but

generating station no hot day over here.

Shola power plant here all the Located
on Navajo land at the regions

at the region center for I'd like to talk
about pretty dynamics that are embedded in

this map first the new spatial difference
between production and consumption but

the market metropolitan America
since at least the mid ninety's for

more than a decade scholars really
emphasize he pointed out that

consumption and and
some kind of the you know the dedication

as consumers became primary economic and
political characteristics in metropolitan.

This is certainly true in Phoenix here you
see a shot of primal Reagan meeting with

the William Leavitt of
Phoenix man in John F.

long here it's Meyer the new
electrical appliances

in Long's Mary they'll development here
you see a couple of ads that were run

in the urban Republic I always
try to point out to people that.

Giving a like a Valentine
is probably the worst.

Valentine's Day gift you could
possibly is so this is not in a face

lecture but you know you see here the kind
of way that electricity electrical up in

the team part of a sense
of family togetherness.

And here you see the result of the spike
in per capita electrical consumption

in the homes of Phoenix between one
hundred forty five and nineteen seventy.

This is the map suggests that if you
I think if we return to the map it's

a guess that euthanasia as they
call something called themselves.

So the effects of the production that
enable them to live better live better

electrically as the ads promise in this
increasing invisibility production

is only a small part of the movement of
industrial production in the production of

the everyday goods that we use beyond
Metropolitan or indeed part of

the project of examining inequality in the
transnationally is reconstructing weeks of

my fall consumption creates global
linkages populations in places we're

supplying metropolitan population she
feeling like whether the Apple factories

in one go down China or power plants
on another nation or a rural America

sector these large amount these maps
are not just reflective of economics

of the way that capitalism seeks marginal
advantage in particular landscape instead

they also represent political projects in
which Metropolitan and federal officials.

The solution to the ecological dilemmas of
urbanization in the spaces and way beyond

the troublous there's a long history here
and I'll talk we can talk about this in

the breakout session more there's a long
history here that could stretch to you

know New York's water supply in
the Catskills and stages the decision.

By the Metropolitan Sanitary Commission
of Chicago to reverse the flow of

the Chicago River to carry packing
house ways not toward Lake Michigan but

downstream from this is that one of those.

Engineers here can explain how do
you refer to the river to me as I

said I would really appreciate that.

In effect projects like this attempting
to engineer urban sustainability

by creating connections and
stretched beyond metropolitan borders and

these patterns have intensified
with development that we've labeled

post-industrial is as much a volunteer is

increasingly market to market themselves
the size of knowledge production and

information economy which Becky was
just talking about in market themselves

through the quality of life that they
could provide to the residents they start

to export from desirable get necessary
production in Phoenix the Chamber of

Commerce ought to draw the nice and
high tech industry of forty years and

its workforce of quite often engineers
by calling for like clean suitable and

smoke free industry one publication
explain the emphasis with industry in

metropolitan Phoenix is on cleanliness
here know at least smokestacks itself here

is going to sky no growl of monotonous
machines hardly stamp the audible imprint

the temp to the voice of the smokestacks
if you come over through smokestacks.

Like those of the four corners power plant
and not the generating station to Indian

land that was distant but intimately
connected I'm not and there's also

a federal piece of this that I'm not going
to go into but there's a way that kind of

federal power is being you kind of promote
development or non-metropolitan spaces.

As you know as you're part
of a project of integrating.

Kind of both native people and

rural people into what they see as
the kind of broader American economy.

Finally I'd like to conclude by talking
about the damages and dependencies and

that.

In this map.

This is a different form
of toxic inequality.

The system had a profound and has had and
has had a profound physiological effect

on the people of the Navajo nation which
has despite its economy this is some

of the highest asthma rates in the nation
as well as elevated rates of mercury and

lead contamination I think there's a very
interesting parallel story here between

Flint and another nation and the way
that kind of the toxic inequalities.

Of infrastructure locked themselves
in you know people will believe

social power within kind of
within metropolitan spaces.

And what we see is patterns of inequality
that are deeply embedded in many

of the groups that exist within and
beyond the metropolis itself it's also

an ecological holder of mines that
scar the earth of the Navajo Nation

the Powder River Basin eastern
Kentucky West Virginia and elsewhere and

the rapid collapse of the economics of
coal means that coal mining companies

such as the now bankrupt Peabody Energy
are likely to be held responsible for

fulfilling contracts stipulations that
call the reclamation of coal mining lands

a difficult process in the most flush
economic times when we'd like to

talk about dependency for at least fifty
years coal fired power has undergirded

metropolitan economies it has ben in
a much more direct way the major economic

pursuit of the Navajo Nation and places
like eastern Kentucky and West Virginia.

The Navajo Nation it brings in
thirty five million dollars

annually into tribal offers.

And in the Powder River Basin and he's
drinking that in West Virginia miners make

forty dollars an hour otherwise depressed
economy both metropolitan economies and

economies beyond the problem have
been deeply dependent on coal.

But only the latter stands to suffer
as the reality of climate change begins

to leave the cold wind as an energy
source that's a part of my proposal and

a quality that only stands to
increase in the years to come and

I'd like to close by asking what
the responsibility of Mr Paul consumers is

to those areas and
those people whose lands and

lives their consumption has transformed
over the past half century Thank

you.

All.

Right.

Thank you to all the power.

We.

Are running I have.

A little bit late but
I want to win every time for question.

Asked So
will this make an adjustment to you having

to schedule a breakout session and
I'll explain that and I'm innocent.

But we have two microphones here and
now we very much welcome questions

from the audience.

From the floor.

I don't want to be again.

And again and again as sort
of an attempt to put together

a list of the last three players and
that's the spirit of the country or

do we know how much of the wealth gap.

Is attributable to real estate
holdings are we able to break up

the forms of wealth and
the stuff connected to that.

The aging sector as being a place where.

For

particularly.

Thank you.

There's there are other people
the group that are even

more qualified experienced
talk about this as well.

But just briefly.

In the chart that I showed where
the racial wealth gap between one hundred

forty thousand nine hundred eighty five
thousand two hundred thirty six thousand.

When you analyze the spaces bill you don't
do the regressions about what the lines

are but you can take apart
the differences baseline guys in.

The analyzed space the middle
twenty seven percent

of the relative difference in wealth for
whites and

blacks by statisticians coached me
to say that exactly that way that.

Is accountable to home ownership dynamics.

Twenty seven percent.

And astounding number now
that's the same set of people.

Over twenty seven years
it's not too cross-section

the same set of people and
what those dynamics capture.

A number of things.

That average first time age of
first time home ownership for for

African-Americans is eight
years later the life of course.

Characters dynamics around residential
segregation that captures dynamics around.

How home equity is color coded.

Courted by the demographics and
captures dynamics around.

For closure prices and
a lowering of values which tended to lower

much more quickly percentage wise in
African-American communities of color and

not come up as quickly
in those communities so

that the in that instance of looking at a
time when the time to homeownership plays

by far the largest role.

In that too.

I wonder.

Time.

How those numbers shake out I don't know
do you look at other groups besides.

African-Americans if you see
differences among Latinos or

Asian Americans if the patterns are
different the only thing I would try and.

Add into that is in my own work
coming out way where I have I have

I have this crazy data set of.

Various data points on all the B.S. and
calories a day L.A. County there's about

ninety two I think from one nine
hundred fifty to two thousand and

what you see of it that span it is
there is an incredible fixedness

of rankings of unity.

By I mean this is not Tom's
deburred measurement.

And I wish I could do that like sort of
in spatial terms but this is looking at

the other measures then don't really
capture the depth of what you're doing but

looking at income median income level and
median house value and

what you see is that the top areas stay on

the top all the way across so
that those economic advantages

of the communities that
are wealthy stayed out way and

I think I haven't totally done
this all the analysis but

I think this is this same kind of
he said that the bottom communities

to over time it's the middle
one sort of going crazy and

there's a lot of fluctuation there's a lot
of upward and downward mobility of those

measures in those more brittle
range types of spaces so

you know we think about a certain
advantage and wealth and

all that becoming spatially embedded I
mean that's that's kind of one way of

thinking about that but
what's happening in the lower communities

is they started out sort of poor
herd maybe they were white maybe

you know they may have been more work
by working class and then a lot of

these places are receiving immigrants and

you know having to deal with a whole host
of problems a lot of these communities

are in areas that are suffering
just realisation So

you know the toxic footprint of the
industries that are left have just created

all kinds of problems like you know in
a lot of these communities including

you know in South L.A. know the towns
that we were talking about earlier So

throw that out there so you know let me.

Let me try to make a couple
a couple of three.

So one one is.

A porch agree with this
big I want to build a.

The data we have on Tino.

Their wealth accumulation aggregate is
about the same looks about the same as

African-Americans but
the composition of it is different.

It's more even more heavily
weighted in homeownership and

real estate is better than the southwest.

Hispanics depending upon which time period

here stopping starting
during the Great Recession

by far of any group lost the greatest
amount of their aggregate well.

Ready to sentence tell the sixty seven
percent between in the first part

of the recession almost all of that was in
home equity African-Americans about fifty

three percent whites about seventeen
percent I think what the Burgess I think

what we know from that and other things
last folks and I have to homeownership.

The closer you were the recession you
didn't have any much equity built up

the more you got devastated and
the more the second point I want

to make is that this is a great i hope
it's going to be a great connection back.

To when you were in those X.

developments like in the in the empire
where they were greatly concentrated

the five I love your phrase that
you drive until you can afford it.

That's exactly what those were so.

Katie Holmes is.

One of the families at least one of
the families in our interview said.

It's a great story but the end part of
the end of it is they moved to a K.B.

Home in tandem.

Sixty miles an L.A. transmission trans
transportation miles away from work.

The kids pulled out of their
school systems in Culver City.

On the west side Katie Holmes.

Not just because you mention that because

part of the Katie Holmes advertise
itself as a full service enterprise.

Meaning they matched you
up with potential mortgage.

Working two hundred they matched it
up in this particular development and

many others was Countrywide.

The first one and
the poster child among many and

he will for Department of
Justice South hated himself for

three hundred thirty five million dollars
It bidding they didn't admit it but

they paid the money to the Justice
Department that they had actively

discriminated against over two hundred
thousand African-Americans Fanning's and

steering them to different products and
then lastly.

In this particular development.

So the first time I visited I made it the
energy was so great I'm trying to drive

by a lot of the where the homes are the
interviews were first time I drove by for

sale signs everywhere the house
Brown on there nothing kept up

clearly there that what we call.

The payments instead of mortgage
payments the seventy's back in your car.

As I was driving into this community
I swear to god I see the Green River.

And I'm driving Yeah I think I'm
fortunately I just have my my i Phone

camera I'm trying to picture the green
light of what's going on here.

The strength of acidheads which dumped
fifty four billion gallons of battery acid

and other toxic contaminants as they were
producing steel and other things for

the industries nearby
just dump that stuff.

It was a Superfund site site and
there were eight other environmental sites

in within a mile or
two of that development so

when things are built and I think it
brings together a lot of those things.

Yes I had a question that's
sort of piggybacked.

Don't offer such a comical thank you but

I think it was related
with interest which is.

I wonder how I was.

Greeted they might like to
write he's out the implication.

Of irony becoming more alive and
especially the implications for

men and women for more on.

Free.

What that means or the or that than their

access to services or differences
between how we might think of or

poverty versus this new suburban event or
role of reality

of.

Poverty in that.

Poverty we have why.

I'm here for.

The last.

Place the harder you.

Think.

About how

you.

Learned about poverty.

The bank robbing the bank.

Hanging.

Back.

When they.

Get.

Their.

Yes.

But I think you know I think.

Infrastructure I think one of the things
that happens with rural poverty is

kind of real matter.

Not health migration but.

The kind of.

You know community.

Communities that made the kind of you
know the Inland Empire you know look.

You know.

Where you have people kind of driving
you know one hundred fifty miles and

you know and then I mean one of
the ironies of the lines that

I was talking about is you know
that has been the reality.

Of kind of work and enough money for much
of the four years of the out migration

You know usually usually men
who were kind of you know.

Jobs in Albuquerque.

And then returning home on the weekends.

You know Neal right let's call it called
working that out of the way right

this work was the way kind of maintaining
kind of you know household you know

on you know the nation in the coal mines
you know in fact behave in a way you know

that you know that that migration this.

Images on the screen is from a protest
outside the not the tribal chambers.

A decision that the Navajo
tried made twenty.

Thirty in the fall of twenty
thirty whether or not to bomb.

One of the major mine
located on on tribal land on

the Internet kind of multinational
conglomerate mining company named B.P.

Billiton had decided to.

Join stable kind of the futures remain
to sign a long term lease so they ought.

The sale of the original long then you
know at a national I think control

of all the political will.

This was the time.

Line.

That.

They sold to the novel a driver a six
million dollars and indemnification of all

present or all huge or present.

Environmental harm all
that you know is that your

sense of what happened in the world
over that really series of really

bad choices presented you know people.

With kind of limited limited ability.

I would just add just to kind of pull
it back into the suburbs I think

a couple things this issue of suburban
poverty I think the good news is that

it's gotten a lot more attention
there's a great book on this called

Confronting Suburban Poverty by two
Brookings Institution scholars and

they have some really smart policy
recommendations in this book but

you know I mean one of the points that
they the author is make in that book

is that the suburbs because you
know think about it I mean there

are often you know independents
small incorporated

N.E.T.'s not not all of them are small but
they're usually politically independent

they don't usually have
the sort of resources.

Within their jurisdictions to deal
with poor people so unlike cities

they lack a kind of social service
interest structure they often don't have

good transportation I mean I was reading
about Atlanta the brain came here and

I heard that MARTA system
is pretty good I think so

you know the further out
that more people if you do.

I don't have transit public
transit that is like hitting

the juggler vein as I think
of poor people because

you know that this thing is suburbs
it any of you read like ten Jacksons

crabgrass frontier you know that is
a wonderful history of suburbanization and

he talks so well of now book about
how transportation drove suburban

development right it was the street
cars that was that first push and

then of course the article was so
instrumental to

enabling suburban the suburbs to
continue building outward further and

further out that it was the access
to that transportation that was so

crucial for allowing people to be able to
live in suburbs and commute to jobs or

to get around it's hard to live
in a suburban place somewhere and

have to walk to where ever
you need to go so for

poor people who may not have
access to automobiles or

who may be working in it if they're
in service jobs my work in homes

is to mastic sir gardeners this sort
of thing in suburban areas where

there is no public transit that is it that
is a really devastating sort of fact of

infrastructure I think and I think.

You know all things are changing and
I think it behooves regional areas to

to become aware of there's
this sort of really deep.

Demographic class social changes that
are that are just transforming a lot

of these places and
to began approaching the region

you know from from I think
a regional standpoint I take some

comfort in the proposals
of former regional

reformers people like Byron or
Field Manual Pastore Peter.

DREIER these folks who
are really pushing the idea.

Sort of regional scale.

Plans to create more equitable metro

areas and but
you do it by having a regional Bijan

pretty things like infrastructure like
transportation like where do you you know

where you sort of distribute
that benefits and the burdens.

Of.
Living In The trouble is that jobs versus

the affordable housing you know that that
has to be done in a more equitable way and

even things like regional
tack sharing measures and

things like this that are meant to try and

you know pull taxes from rich
suburbs poor suburbs and

kind of do a little bit of a distributed
sort of redistribution of resources and

that's happening very slowly but
I think where you do see.

Is kind of coming out of the grassroots
to where there is a lot of grassroots

mobilization in some of these working
class and poor suburban areas and

there's some really interesting kind of
progressive politics that you see bubbling

up in some of these community communities
you know demanding things like

environmental justice and you know
kind of meeting the needs of the of

the populations that are living in these
communities I just really really quickly

because I think the other story about
kind of suburban poverty is the story

of Ferguson I mean I mean we think of
Ferguson right at the at the poor suburb

that basically you know
had been using is that it.

Of these sources of revenue creating
a kind of you know a perpetual system of.

You know find their.

Arrests in the way that
the city government actually.

Function right I mean this really
speaks toward that the need for

a kind of metropolitan the part of that
you know part of that is the dire and

utter corruption of Ferguson part
of it is a desperate situation of

City of city services but you know the
other danger of metropolitan vision right

is your piety and right in the way that
the policing of places like want to look

which is probably Latino suburb in Phoenix
you know by the Maricopa County Sheriff's.

Office you know becomes it
becomes both revenue and

a way to demagogue it
politically demagoguing.

You know for the supporters of
the American County Sheriff

it's all just doesn't policing it I
think policing you know policing and

poverty is never
are the problem right now.

You know political change.

I hope I can make this connection and
I don't I think those are great absolutely

wonderful observations in our Ninety nine
hundred ninety eight set of interviews

after Ferguson move this
simple search first I would

say that was one of the metropolitan areas
third of my interviews are from there.

And.

Here's a quick story I want to tell
the end of it is way too depressing.

Nine hundred ninety eight single mom
welfare mom living in inner city

St Louis Ferguson is her aspiration.

We ask her where she wants to
move its Ferguson we ask her why

because there are trees it's safer for

her daughter they're shopping.

They're single family homes.

And it is everything that we refer to.

But it's also an aspiration it's not it's
that relationship between the city and

its suburbs as corrupt as it may.

It's an aspiration it's a it's
a destination aspiration another

part of that tale is that ninety
the state of Missouri has a something

called the Hancock Amendment.

Which they make a choice the choice
they make is to lower property taxes.

Crippling the capacity of Unison how these
like Ferguson are raising property taxes

of five hundred companies like Evers and
electric that are there and others and so

what does a city have to do over
time it has to replace its revenue.

And the move to finance
court finds policing

come from that policy
choice I would suggest.

Then when they made a decision it
was in our will we put it one way.

Put.

Michael Brown and that these officers
in the same space at the same time for

a particular reason.

Can and cannot just be back
on average quick sorry.

Added to that that when those retrenchment
measures like Prop thirteen in California

and these anti-tax things it also
begins forcing a lot of the suburban

municipalities to zone for
retail as a way generating municipal

tax revenue so that's also puts
the squeeze on affordable housing right so

all of these things are really entered
trying to and I think with regards to

FERGUSON You know I think a lot of
them are some of the problem there too

edition Talley's factors that you
mentioned is that power mismatch in

some of these transitional communities
where you have majority non-whites

moving into these communities federal
that are old guard White City Council

that stays in power and that was
happening in Ferguson and the good.

News is leased from L.A.
You have a similar kind of a happy ending

Sunday seven said it transitioned
happily to be heavily Latino and

where as same story people
were getting pulled over and.

Find further you know whatever minor
traffic violations some of them be

supported in that very
localized process but as I and

as my team does began getting
political power in the small suburbs

the small working class separate they
really started pushing against South and

kind of pushing a much more progressive
kind of local political agenda and

vision there was pretty clearly
counter to those other bad tendencies.

OK So one last question.

This is.

This is regarding the urgency.

Of urban poverty I'm from over land and

I was raised in suburban poverty
I think my mother moved there

is going to be there because every So
we're.

There we're not over there
where they rebuild or the work.

Out however I mean it
was true it's still bad.

And it is now one of the.

Under reserving or something like
that of every school in Atlanta or

the Atlanta area and or the area that's
been known as having the power to have

a lot of inequality you throughout the
dominant narrative is of suburbanization

which I definitely think is just that
mirrored because like I said they're busy

market for a long time and just raising.

Aaron but
whatever reason you urban studies or

people that study cities
that's why I think cities.

Areas we're going to get them with suburbs
there you know one of the other four or

five people with.

That the families of the four while you'll
be out for people moving to the suburbs

which changes the dynamic so
I was wondering.

What you guys think why we've
been late to the party.

And why why why the urban
studies kind of taken more back

from Sharon that way there's a new
thing that's been happening but

definitely I think people
are more aware of it.

Right there one of the stars we're
short on time out there right.

There for people to out there and
work for me I'm I want to look big

we're the only industrialized nation
that does not have nationally.

And I think because we don't value.

Get out I mean as I say children
are not full citizens as the property

of their parents if your parents have the
resources you're going to get there but

it's not clear on their.

Race so
to say here because we have to look here

why are we not like.

I have their own set of problems but.

You are going to get this thing well.

Wherever you live.

One final.

Time I would just say I'm
hopeful that it's changing and

that there is a kind of growing
recognition of some of these

good gets more complex reality any God
knows I'm trying to get that word out.

My own work but I don't know to what
extent that's really percolating out of

policymakers where you know I think there
really could be sun federal level and

college sees that there
are addressing this new change reality

you know we just have to keep getting
the word out doing studies publicizing and

talking about this.

So we are running a bit behind schedule so
I am on my feet here making the scuttle.

The breakout sessions Well began at three
ten so let's take a thirty minute break.