My name is Jim Cole. He has in Coley Soler was the history. I came to Georgia Tech in 1991 and founded the Graphics Visualization and Usability Center, which worked into the View Center, just an abbreviation, which just this year merged with a C for people have technology because their, their charters were very similar and overlapping. In the 15th anniversary of the View Center, my HE student, my Georgia Tech student that Minor, who was then the director of the View Center, organize a number of friends, faculty, family to create an endowment for the Foley Scholar Program. So the endowment supports the awards which are given every year to the Phd students, normally three Phd students every year. This year, just one through the administrative, which only won the award is $5,000 per Phd student. Today, we're going to hear from the winner of the Foley Scholar Award for this year, as well as the three finalists for the award. A couple of administrative announcements, cell phones off. Please remember to put your trash in the cans as you go out. How many of your MSHCIudentsMSHCI students? The MSHCI program was a direct outgrowth of the GU center started in 1998. How many are other master's degree students, Phd students, Interested participants? Everyone else. Great. So our first speaker today is the winner of the Foley Scholar Award. Kartik Bot is going to be talking about technology mediated futures of care work. Welcome. Thank you. Awesome. Good afternoon and thank you all for being here. It is my honor to be presenting my work to all of you today. I'll be talking about my dissertation work on envisioning technology mediated futures of care work. I want to start off with defining care work. Care work can take many forms and is a very versatile concept. It could involve aspects of self care, caring for your children or others around you, providing education and making time for students, or volunteering and activism. These are all activities of care. In my research, I define care work as the labor that one performs to improve the health and well being of themselves or others around them. My work, by and large, focuses on the three main clauses in this definition. Where across my different studies, my dissertation looks into the health and well being aspect especially, and takes an ecological perspective to understand how various stakeholders engage in care. I take into consideration how social cultural factors, like cultural norms and current policies, influence who can access or provide care and what forms of care are available to them. My work looks deeply into the labor that goes into providing care, be it the physical, mental, or emotional labor. With this definition in mind, I present three contexts that I've conducted research on. First, I look at care closer to the home. And I look at how individuals and their family members engage in care work when managing chronic health conditions. Next, I look at care work in clinical settings like consultation rooms and hospitals. And I present how doctors employ technologies in providing care remotely. Finally, I look at how public health organizations are involved in care work. Particularly, how they leverage technologies to overcome social cultural barriers, like strong gender norms, or taboos to ensure good health outcomes at scale. Shifting gears a little bit, I want to think about the future of care work right now. There is the growing belief that the future of work lies in automation. Ai technologies, natural language technologies, precision robotics are all being used to portray a future of work where automation has embedded itself into one's work and workplace. And we're also seeing the concept of workplace changing. Where we've all been through the transition from largely in person workplaces before the pandemic to fully remote during, to somewhere in between. Right now, given how quickly these things are changing and adapting to the current realities, these conversations on the future of work are also evolving. So to me, these are simultaneously super exciting developments and also causes for pause. It's true that these advances arguably make work practices more streamlined and more efficient in many industries and domains. But my focus is on studying what this means for the future of care work, which is a domain where human connections and emotional labor play a significant role. Such future of work technologies are surely exciting and have the potential to be immensely impactful if successfully deployed at scale, and if they become integral parts of care workflows. However, these are both big ifs. At this point, the problem is that caregiving technologies are developing much faster than the pace of adoption of these technologies into care workflows. In the context of my research in India, for example, healthcare practices are still resolutely low tech in urban healthcare settings. Even though there have been huge technological advances outside the care settings, they've not translated to large care technology adoption in care work. This means that the current challenges of the day are not only technological and there are definitely plenty of unanswered questions in this space, but the challenges are also socio technical. For these technologies to achieve their promised impact, we need to understand why they're not seeing adoption yet, and how they can best be integrated into systems and practices of care. Through my work, I try to identify where these technologies might clash with current care practices and which might ultimately lead to their rejection. I use this as a way to highlight where technologies could be introduced in ways that benefit all stakeholders involved across these contexts of care. My dissertation asks, how might we effectively integrate emerging technologies into existing care workflows to enable greater access to patient centered care? So this is a summary of my research contributions so far. And in the next few minutes, I'll present high level summaries of my works across these three domains and key takeaways from them. I'd love to take questions at the end of the talk or at the end of the session, depending on how much time I have left. First, I looked within the home to see how patients and their family members managed chronic conditions like cardiac diseases. I conducted interviews with patients, their caregivers, and doctors to understand how they employ health tracking technologies and online support technologies towards helping their care work practices. I conducted all this work in Bangalore, which is a city in South India. Some key findings from this body of work included understanding how and why health tracking technologies were disused, how online health resources were leveraged in care work, and how caregivers play critical roles in decision making around care. My main takeaways from this line of work were that we need to change our perspectives on how we see informal caregivers roles in the home. If we could recognize that they actually have decision making power and are not just supporting actors, we could design technologies for them in more meaningful ways. For example, when thinking about creating technologies to support patient centered care, we could consider how to design for caregiver use more intentionally rather than thinking about caregiver mediated patient use. This might seem counter intuitive since I am suggesting caregiver centered design for patient centered care. But my idea is that caregivers already have a lot of agency within the home and are motivated to ensure good health outcomes for the patient. Supporting them could better ensure that patients receive better care. One approach might involve leveraging some of these future work technologies to support care work. More mundane tasks like medication adherence, exercise tracking, and so on could be automated away to unburden the caregivers in some form. And creating space for the more emotional and intentional forms of care work that they do value. In my second research theme, I shifted attention towards the clinical settings. Looking more deeply into doctor's care work, I investigated how telemedicine specifically was being employed during the Covid 19 pandemic in India. And identified how patients and doctors were creating technologies and human infrastructures to support telemedicine in a time when it was finally actively being used, Having been on the peripherse for decades before. Then, in a follow up study, I designed an intermediated workflow for telemedicine. I recruited real patients and doctors to participate in an intermediated workflow to help compare such an experience against the regular in person and regular telemedicine consultations. So findings from this study highlighted how intermediated workflows where I have an intermediary serving as a proxy for doctors and examinations. And making sure that patients get better care through telemedicine could help make telemes, the telemedicine experience better for patients and doctors. My main takeaways from this line of work was the observance that there was an emerging parallel pathways to care in person. Care was still the gold standard for how clinical care was provided, and there's no real change to that. But hybrid telemedicine could establish itself as a separate pathway to care. It would not be looking to supplement in person care, just to be clear. But it could give patients a choice of the modality in which they choose to seek care based on what they are prioritizing in the moment. If they did want the emotional support of going to a Dr. then going in person made sense. But if they just wanted a quick resolution, reaching out to the Dr. via a phone would work just as well. Second, it pointed me to more important potential avenues for future work with telemedicine. Finally, being seen as a viable pathway to care, we, as researchers and technologists, could actually design telemedicine technologies that brought it closer to the ideals of patient centered care. Finally, this work did point to many socio technical implications, like the need to reconfigure so many elements of clinical care work. Doctors need training in diagnosing and treating patients remotely. And patients need to be informed of the limitations and possibilities of seeking care remotely. Finally, I looked into care work at scale, looking at how public health organizations might leverage technologies in their practice. Here I look at how an organization involved in providing M health interventions for pregnant women and new mothers could begin to serve fathers with relevant health information. To make sure that they could be more involved in their care and the kinds of pushback they received in the form of social cultural barriers and gendered norms. Our findings were in fact centered on the fact that fathers were largely excluded from traditional forms of care work during pregnancy and neonatal care. So they expressed providing care through things that they could control, like the work they did and how they provided financially for their families. The key takeaway. Sorry, I will run through this. This is the last slide. I have 20 seconds. The key takeaways were the recognition that work could be supported, technologies could support care, work in diverse forms, like providing financial benefit for the families. So providing financial health information or upskilling knowledge could fall under the purview of Malth interventions because they do, if not directly, at least indirectly, support care work. And that was the end of my talk. Thank you so much. We have we have time for a question, question, question. I have a question. You mentioned telehealth has, which is getting to be very important, and you said, we need to get public telehealth closer to ongoing practice. What does that mean? Patient centered care is focused on ensuring patients have greater choice in their care, Making sure that they get the best quality health outcomes. And telemedicine right now does not allow doctors to diagnose more conclusively. They can only come up to sort of what a differential diagnosis start with, like a medical line of management to see if that works. If that doesn't, then they call the patient again and the process for receiving optimal care takes longer and longer. My hope is that we can create a form of telemedicine where doctors can get more conclusive examinations, conclusive diagnoses sooner so that the path to full health is charter like fasteration. Thank you. Thank you. I neglected to mention. The Kartik advisor is Neha Kumar who is sitting right here. Second, for those of you who are in the HCI field, you may or may not know that Professor Kumar is the President of Ki, the Computer Human Interaction Special Interest Group of ACM. So you all are at the right place. Our next speaker is R. Pet Narcan, who's talking about chloropleth maps. His advisor, Alex Der, is on a trip, so he's not here today. Okay, Thanks Jim. Am I audible? Good afternoon. My name is Arbit Nachanya. Today I'm going to talk about Coroplet maps and how they can trick you and what you can do about it. So consider this map of the United States counties. I have colored them in proportion to their life expectancy values. For example, San Miquel County with the highest life expectancy of 97.97 years is colored yellow. And Oglala Lakota county with the lowest life expectancy of 62.44 years is colored dark blue. Our very own Fulton County is somewhere in the middle at 79.33 years colored teal. This is called the Cooplet Map. An important aspect of Corepit Maps is the grouping of the quantitative data values into categorical groups. This process is also known as data binding or data classification. For example, this continuous range I showed earlier can be classified or divided in four different ways. If you look them in a couplet map, this is how they look, notice how different they all look, even though they are essentially showing the same information. These are all established pinning methods in cartographic literature. For example, equal interval is an interval based binning method in which each bin's range or extent is of the same length. Alternatively, quantile is a statistical binning method in which each bin consists of approximately the same number of data observations. Note that this results in an equal distribution of green and blue counties, which is unlike the equal interval method that has a much larger distribution of blue counties. Next, there is natural breaks, which is an iterative method, and this creates natural groupings of data that are more meaningful and interpretable. However, if none of these works, mapmakers often utilize manual interval and divide the data into custom bins the way they want. The choice of binning methods can very much influence policymaking. For example, mapmakers can falsely project a county as doing good or bad when that might not be the case. For example, consider three binning methods equal interval, quantile, and natural breaks. Oglala Lakota County, because of its lowest life expectancy, always falls in the first or lowest bin. However, and that's why it's colored blue. However, Maricopa County in Arizona, with a life expectancy of 80.46 years, falls in three different winds, third, fifth, and fourth, respectively, resulting in different colors of green. Any devious mapmaker can show Maricopa to be performing well using quantile, maybe to look good federally or not so well. Using equal interval maybe to seek additional funding to improve the current state. By the way, there aren't just four methods to consider. There are many more, and each of them has its own strengths and weaknesses. So it is very important to carefully consider what method to use to ensure that the map accurately represents the underlying data and effectively communicates it to the viewer. We built a tool called Explorer Plate to help users browse such a catalog of different data pinning methods and subsequently compare, customize, and export custom maps from your own data. Let me give a quick demo. Okay, so in this browse view, we show how the same data looks in more than 15 different binning methods. You can modify the number of wins, like how I'm just changing 5-7 Or you can change the color from blues greens to red. You can do a bunch of other stuff like sharing, exporting, and so on. Next, you can also compare just the bins that were generated by various pinning methods, like taking the map out of the equation. For example, consider the quantile method being highlighted. Now because it has the same number of data observations in each bin, each rectangle is of the same height or thickness, but if you compare it with a geometric interval method, then you start noticing subtle differences. And not just the bin sizes, but also the bin extends. Next, we invented a new consensus binning method, called resilience, that considers how a county is placed in different binning methods, and accordingly creates a smart average pin. Remember the example of Oglala Lakota County and Maricopa County from before? This view lets users visualize this information, also its average pin. But in the interest of time, I won't go much into specifics here, but this is a new method be invented. Finally, if the mapmaker is still not happy with any of these methods, we also have a create view wherein you can create their own bins directly by modifying the bin extends. Next, we were curious how couplet maps are actually made in practice and also wanted to seek feedback on exploroplet. We interviewed 16 cartographers and GIS experts from 13 globally serving government organizations and NGOs. We found that couplet mapmaking is a complex undertaking with many factors that influence decision making, Such as individual mapmakers who bring in different cartographic knowledge, tool familiarity, personal rules of thumb, and even personal moods. That was a surprising one. The mapmakers organization, they bring in their old protocols, guidelines, and there are multiple teams from mapping, reviewing, branding, editing, and so on. The map itself, how is it going to be shared? Like what's the medium, who's the audience, what's the format, the data? Where does it come from? Is it good quality semantics? For example, data related to water might result in bluish maps and so on. And then there are clients, vendors, and even governments. They all have their say before a map is published and sold. In terms of data binding methods, they mostly used pretty breaks and manual breaks. Both methods involve making custom bins. As for the data, they didn't really rely on the statistical or the established literature ones in terms of number of wins. Five to six bins were most popular, which aligns very well with prior cartographic literature and empirical studies. What did they have to say about data binning? Okay, in current tools such as GIS, you cannot compare binning methods side by side. If you use Python to explore methods that are not supported by GIS, it is still a hassle. When they saw Explorer Plath, they gave us positive and encouraging feedback from both a map making as well as an educational standpoint. They did, however, caution as against some mapmakers who may still nefariously try to skew the data, especially in the create view of the tool. Our strategy to reduce nefarious uses of peropletse involves three things. First, educate, educate mapmakers about various binning methods and their effects. Now, tools like Explorer Plate can very much help here. Next, help mapmakers decide appropriate binning methods as per their data and use cases, potentially, a tool called decidopleth. Finally, inappropriately binned maps that are out there in the wild in a tool called fix ple. This is what our awesome team, including my advisor Dr. Alex Ender and Dr. Leo Andres, have been working on. There's much more to come, but for now, I will conclude my talk and I'm most happy to take questions. Thank you. Questions for Arthur? Questions? Questions? Who was a professor who said it's a professor's dream I cannot disclose the name of due to anonymity concerns. Okay. Bar No questions. We'll proceed. You're not off the screen. Yeah, so attraction is a Phd candidate advised by both Professor Kumar and Professor Chowderyat, this is working. Yeah. Awesome. Yeah, it's an honor to be here. Thank you so much for giving me this platform to talk about my research. My presentation is entitled Computing for Mental Health Equity. So let us talk about presentation two towns, one of them is likely very familiar to all of us here. It's Midtown Atlanta on the left. The other is a small town about 100 miles away entitled Milledgeville, right? That's the name of the town about 2 hours away. So we're pretty well resourced here in Atlanta. Metropolitan Atlanta has 2,621 mental health professionals, which comes out to approximately one mental health provider to meet the needs of every 407 people. That's quite the ratio, but conditions are much more difficult. In Millageville, which only has about 64 mental health professionals. This comes out to one mental health provider who's responsible for every 691 people. Milldeville is what's called a mental health professional shortage area, where there aren't enough mental health professionals to meet expected need. Now, Millageville is only about 100 miles away from Atlanta, or about 2 hours, 3 hours if you factor in Atlanta traffic. But the disparities are huge. There are thousands of mental health professionals in Atlanta, whereas all of the mental health professionals in Millageville could probably fit in this very room. However, my research has shown that tonight in both Midtown Atlanta, as well as Millgeville, someone will get on Google and search for a way to kill themselves. I believe that we as computing researchers, have an important role to play to make sure that no matter who you are, whether you live in Atlanta or you live in Millgeville, when you come to technology in a state of extreme distress, you'll live to see another day. But I think to be able to do that, we need to understand how being from Atlanta or being from Millgeville or some other place or community can influence our mental health needs. In fact, it's clear we need to understand all the identity based factors that lead up to an individual deciding to come to a technology based system when in distress. We also need to understand, given all of these identity based factors, what technology can and can't feasibly give a person who is in distress to be able to feel better. And that's where my research comes in. I study how marginalization and technology design together influence people's engagements with mental health technologies. I use quantitative and qualitative methods from HCI and beyond. Guided by histories of marginalization and justice, my research bears implications for designing mental health interventions that center both cultural validity and user autonomy. My research is oriented towards thinking about the differences in mental health experiences across diverse areas of the US, such as Milledgeville or Atlanta. As well as thinking about where there may be differences or commonalities between someone in the global south, the United States, or someone in the global north, such as the US, and someone in the global south or India. I've examined the role of identity and power and digital mental health experiences across a wide variety of identities and global context as seen above. But in today's talk, I'll focus on my work analyzing the end to end experiences of people who engage with mental health technologies as they move along a pathway to care. Highlighting the role of identity as well as power. In that process, we'll start with a basic question. What brings people to technology when they're in a state of distress? I'll draw upon my research interviewing people who engage with diverse forms of care, including suicide helplines and community care in India as well as the United States. So let's talk about some of the findings across both studies. I found that people often turn to mental health technologies when they have no other place to turn and oftentimes in crisis. So you see advertisements for popular mental health applications being framed as ways for people to maintain their existing mental health right coaching or head space, right mindfulness. But in my research, I found that people often came to mental health technologies when they were in a state of crisis. They couldn't afford anything else and they thought that technology might be the last thing that could keep them alive. So these weren't people who were looking to maintain their mental health. They were looking for anything that could, like I mentioned, keep them alive. I also found that people look for their distress to be validated in online context after not feeling hurt offline. So for example, a participant who was living in a rural area of the US. Described to me how people in their daily life didn't actually believe that they had depression because they didn't have the typical symptoms of depression. So they turned to online resources such as Web MD and Youtube to validate that they actually had depression. Which shows that the way that online resources are framed has a huge influence on how people think about their mental health. And finally, people approach mental health technologies with a sense of fear due to a lack of transparency. So across context, participants described me how they didn't really know what happened to them if they would be too vulnerable with their care providers. This is illustrated by two quotes from two of my studies. So Juhi describes here how she was concerned that helpline providers would call the police or her parents if she was honest about how suicidal she was. And similarly, Donna, a black woman in the US, described how people seemed to feel uncomfortable and scared if she was fully open about her emotional experiences. And speaking about language and expression, I also found that across context, participants use diverse language to describe their symptoms, including experiences. So for example, Ape calls schizophrenia feeling like a hole in his eye red that may not be picked up by the DSM or by traditional doctors. So with that in mind, the question arises, are there systematic differences in how people talk about their mental health and what do those differences look like on line? To answer this question, I build on my analysis of large scale quantitative analysis of posts from international support communities, as well as Twitter posts and Google searches from US mental health professional shortage areas. And look at similarities and differences. Of course, we have a chluroplethic map here. Let's talk a little bit about the findings. I promise I've done my best to try not to mislead you. So what we find is that by comparing US mental professional shortage in non shortage areas, we find significantly lower levels of clinical language in US shortage areas on Twitter. So people are more likely to say things like, I feel really hurt. I feel like I really want to sleep forever. As opposed to saying I feel depressed or I feel anxious. We also see that this happens in private as well. So Google searches also have similarly lower levels of clinical language. Now, what does it look like? When we turn to a global north and global south comparison? We see the same pattern carry in that there's lower levels of clinical language among global south users on talk life. And across all of these contexts we see a lack of clinical resources reflected in the language that people use around their distress. So overall, my research demonstrates that there are strong ties to identity, power and context with regards to how people talk about their mental health and how that language influences how they engage with mental health technologies. But the question arises, so we have these differences. How do we design for them? In my work, I've argued that one approach is thinking critically about not only the symptoms that an individual may have, but how an individual understands their symptoms. So for example, a common expression in shortage areas as well as in the global south in India, at least my fieldwork site, are mentions of God, right, In the expression that I feel like God has given up on me. Integrating this information into online interfaces might look like embedding mental health resources into what seemed like innocuous Google searches. Right? So searches for theology around what happens after death. And I believe that this approach, one that considers these identity and power based aspects, can make sure that more people are able to find support when they need it that meets their own ideas around what support and care look like. Finally, I want to conclude by expressing my gratitude to the amazing community we have at Georgia Tech for positioning me well to be able to do this research. Including special thanks to my advisors for guiding me through all of my research ipad in the GVU for giving me this platform to speak. And then Dr. Foley for all of his support over the last few years. Great. Thank you again, time for questions. How common is it in the United States and India for people to turn to online help lines or whatever, as opposed to the other more traditional sources? Yeah, absolutely. I mean, doing a systematic, I don't know if a systematic analysis has been done right, because it's very difficult for people to talk about their seeking experiences. But what my research has shown that, yeah, lots of people, like you said, not traditional ways of seeking mental health care because it's difficult for them to do so. Right. Insurance, right. Or intermediary, many different potential pathways to different kinds of support. So yeah, definitely a lot of people using non traditional forms of care because traditional forms of not accessible. A good friend of her daughters works for a US company that provides title health, psychiatric, psychological care. Wow, thank you. That's my e mail. Here we go. So Allie Riggs talking about designing with ephemera. All you're wrong. All right. Hi everyone. My talk is called Designing with Ephemera, Queering, Tangible Interaction and Archival Experiences. I'm all to share Riggs. I'm a third year Phd student. I work with Dr. Anne Sullivan, Dr. Norah Howell, and Dr. Richmond. My work is at the intersection of queer theory, queer archives, and tangible embodied interaction. So what does that actually mean? I design tangible experiences that leverage queer theory to explore queer history. My work contributes to queer HCI with attention to historicism or using methods that involve history, or historical materials, and tangible embodied interaction. What is queer HCI? Well, according to a recent meta review, 2024, queer HCI includes research by queer scholars, such as myself, research about queer people. So you can study LGBTQ people and their relationships with technology. Or research that leverages queer theory. How do we leverage queer theory in HCI? In human computer interaction? Some have suggested that this means challenging normative structures such as binaries. Then others have suggested that this means facilitating uncommon or unpredictable, or even irrational relationships between beings and their environments, basically making it weird. Then still others have suggested that this means problematizing or troubling something with critical intent. What I'm aiming to do with my work is to ask, how do we queer HCI, or trouble with critical intent. Human computer interaction with attention to queer bodies, tangible embodied interaction, and histories. And so I start with ephemera. Ephemera is essentially material traces that are not traditionally collected in archives. So this includes buttons, this might include T shirts, this might include flyers, and this is particularly important for queer history, as often LGPTQ people do not have as many recorded, institutionally collected historical materials in traditional forms. We have ephemera, we have fliers, we have buttons, we have T shirts. My research asks how tangible embodied design with ephemera can prompt critical reflections on the past. And this is an example of one of my projects, button portraits, which I'll talk about in a little bit. And my work inspires alternative configurations of bodies, feelings, and histories. I also ask why queer histories, Or rather, you may ask why queer histories and why. Now, of course, if you've all seen Oliver Hamson's talk, GV U talk a few weeks back, he also started with one of these similar statements. There have been lots of recent efforts to diminish or ban queer existence from classrooms, from healthcare, from public society. Our access to design for ourselves or design for our experiences of history, and our access to information is vital. Also, studying queer histories helps us recognize these material traces. So the traces of ephemera of queer information, activism, of the ways that queer people would connect in the past. That can reconfigure the present. That can allow us to reflect on our present state. So here's a few examples of how I do this. One project is called Designing an Archive of Feelings, Queering tangible Interaction with button Portraits. So what we did was we designed a wearable audio player where you can actually pin a button onto the wearable audio player and listen to a fragment of oral history. We use artifacts from the gender and sexuality collections at Georgia State University and made replicas of those, tag them with NFC tags. And then there's an NFC reader in the audio player. And that kind of embodied tangible interaction with the wearable audio player allows you to personally reflect in an embodied way on the oral histories that you're listening to. And so we shared the experience with participants and we invited these intimate reflections and observed their interactions and explored their effective connections to oral histories. So some takeaways from that. Or rather, I'll pause on this slide so that you can look at the participant here who is listening to the oral history. Whose text includes, I just got back from Boston. I went to their pride and they had 30,000 ******* people. Atlanta, 2000. We can do better. So this is an example of one of the oral histories that was included and that button unlocks that oral history if you touch it to your chest. Okay, so some takeaways from this. Designing tangible archives of feeling. These tangible wearable interactions can engender these effective sensory responses to history. And this can prompt personal engagement and even personal responsibility towards queer history. Second, queering wearable interactions of design. Centering ephemera in design is an example of how we can queer tangible interaction by attending to these ephemeral traces, these ephemeral materials, and then designing for personal archival experiences. Let's start with these personal collections. Let's start with these ephemeral materials, or ephemeral unusual traces to offer these alternative modes of engagement outside of the institution of the archive. And then lastly, designing with indifference, acknowledging difference intentions within queer communities and bodies when designing tangible experiences of history. So a lot of the participants came from many different backgrounds. So it's important to acknowledge the differences within the queer community. Queer communities are not monoliths. We are all coming from different perspectives, and so acknowledging these differences within design is important. A second project I'll go over very quickly because I want to be aware of time. This is called red redacted Theater Querying Puzzle Based tangible interaction design. So essentially what we did was we used these archives also from the gender and sexuality collections at Georgia State. And we created tangible puzzles that explore queer history by having multiple states and multiple ways that you can solve puzzles. So for instance, an artifact like this flyer from Lesbian Theater Company in the 1970s has two states, and you actually can solve the puzzle by opening the flyer. It doesn't look like it might be opened because it's covered in plastic. So you have to actually take the flyer out of the plastic. And it has this visual puzzle where it looks complete and closed on the upper left. And it has a surface answer that gives you this surface understanding of history. But if you open the puzzle, then you can get this censored answer, or you can get this queer answer that leads you to this further deeper understanding of history. Similarly, another puzzle here explores the difference between historical linearity and a different way of conceiving of history through relationship. So you can order the slides here, these photo slides, which are another artifact from the theater company in the 1970s. You can order them either according to temporality, according to a timeline, or you can order them according to the relationships of, of the people in the photographs. And so here we're playing with this idea that there is not one way to understand history. There's not necessarily one way to understand history as linear. I'll go through the takeaways. In conclusion, how do we queer HCI with attention to queer bodies in our histories? I'm intentionally entangling and troubling the relationships between ephemera bodies, feelings and histories. I prompt critical reflection and queer understandings of the past. By challenging these normative structures, such as the archival institution and such as historical linearity or what counts in the archival record. Through that, I deepen queering tangible interaction as a critical area for design and HCI. Thank you, questions for all. It's pretty interesting studies what research methods used to come to your conclusions about the effects of the different interventions that you used. Yeah, that's a great question. I situate all of this work within research through design largely, but I'm also drawing from critical fabulations, Daniel Ross work, where she actually takes, takes pieces of the past and reconfigures them in the present, in tangible designs. And then for studying participants, I'm doing Grounded Theory thematic analysis. Okay, thank you. Other questions, Questions, questions. Okay, that's it for today. Thank you all very much, and congratulations all colleges.